Russia will apply special measures when carrying out the SWOT analysis. – The Informant.



Russia will apply special measures when carrying out the SWOT analysis.

Published on 30.6.2022


The State Duma electronic database has published a draft law on ensuring the conduct of the operation by Russian troops abroad.

Photo: globallookpress/Konstantin Kokoshkin

The Cabinet of Ministers submitted a new draft to the State Duma, according to which it will be possible to introduce specialized measures in the economic sphere to ensure the conduct of military operations by the Russian armed forces outside the state .

The explanatory note to the document states that in the conditions of the conduct of operations of the armed forces and other military formations, including anti-terrorist formations, it is necessary to repair weapons and equipment, as well as to provide the troops with means materials and techniques.

The note also indicates that the ongoing special military operation also falls under the bill.

The Ukraine/Russia conflict has not only merged the transatlantic architecture of the alliance, but could create a stronger strategic counter-pole Sino Russia India and would need to work on his options and SWOT Analysis

Iraqi Kurdistan fighters support the conduct of the SWOT operation and are ready to intervene with their entire unit if necessary.


Why the strategic partnership between China and Russia should be a concern for India.

Posted on 1.5.2022 by The Quint

By Anil Trigunayat: While the eyes of the whole world are on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, here in India our eyes remain fixed on China even though the positions of India and China in the Security Council of United Nations (UNSC), on the need for dialogue and diplomacy in the face of conflict and loss of life, on respect for sovereignty and on security concerns for all, are broadly similar.

Dr Jaishankar, Indian Foreign Minister, indicated during his recent visit to Germany and France that US and European attention to the Russian-Ukrainian crisis alone could be counterproductive , because it would bog down to the detriment of threats in the Indo-Pacific region. The challenges of the region must be tackled collectively and could extend to Europe, because “distance is not an insulator”.

The growing proximity of Russia and Beijing.

India has a difficult relationship with China, especially since the Galwan incident and the 2020 invasion, even though it collaborates with it under the regional formats RIC (Russia-India-China), BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) and SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization). Yet, India follows the policy of dialogue and diplomacy on disputes with Beijing while promoting it in other conflict contexts, notably in Russia-Ukraine.

The development of relations between Russia and China in recent years has been accompanied by a growing disregard for international norms and rules, which could have implications for India’s security concerns, even if Russia remains India’s special and privileged strategic partner and provides it with historic support whenever necessary. But the geopolitical order is changing, and the Sino-Russian axis is trying to carve out a place in it. We could see a more vehement Cold War 2.0 after the crises in Ukraine and Taiwan.

Over the past 12 months, countries neighboring India have faced considerable security challenges. Whether it’s the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan, the resumption of military dictatorship in Myanmar, or the continuing border conflict with China along the Himalayas, India stands surrounded by new and emerging security threats. In all these cases, the Chinese factor and Russian interests have been evident and sometimes seem to undermine India’s position and interests.

The strategic rivalry between the United States and Moscow and Vladimir Putin has pushed Russia closer to Beijing, which was amply demonstrated during the inauguration of the Beijing Winter Olympics, where President Putin was the guest of honor to confirm their strategic friendship. The two countries have also signed a peace and friendship treaty as well as long-term oil and gas agreements worth more than $100 billion.

China reacted to the entry of Russian troops into eastern Ukraine earlier this week, calling on all involved to remain calm before backing Moscow against NATO. Zhang Jun, China’s permanent representative to the United Nations, said that “Russia’s legitimate security concerns must be taken into account and addressed. »

The West obviously saw this as a clear signal of the growing indifference of these countries to established diplomatic procedures and state sovereignty. Later, at the UN Security Council, China called for restraint and dialogue. But Sino-Russian relations have not been stronger in 70 years, with President Xi even calling Putin his “best friend” during a visit to Russia in 2019.

An evolution of the position of Kazakhstan

Many commentators in Washington suggest that China and Russia see a common interest in a Russian armed adventure in Ukraine that is testing the resolve of President Joe Biden. Some even argue that President Xi might observe an uncontested Russian attack in Ukraine and conclude that he can safely invade Taiwan. While these arguments are more conjecture than analysis, they show that recent developments in Kazakhstan demonstrate how the China-Russia rapprochement is deteriorating basic norms and contributing to greater global insecurity. Bigger and tougher sanctions on President Putin, Russia and China would force them to ally themselves even more.

Early this year, Kazakhstan experienced its greatest moment of unrest since gaining independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. A series of public protests that began in the southeast of the country, after a decision to deregulate and to raise liquefied petroleum gas prices, quickly spread to other regions. The protests have morphed into a broader movement fueled by growing discontent with government and economic inequality.

Until that time, Kazakhstan was the most stable country in Central Asia and was gradually aligning itself with Europe and the West, while maintaining cordial and pragmatic relations with other major powers.
A shift towards Russia and China

Worryingly, however, the Kazakh government’s response to these legitimate protests has followed a model of government that more closely resembles that of Russia and China.

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev gave the order to “shoot without warning” on demonstrators considered to be terrorists, killing at least 227 people. Tokayev then called on Russian troops to come and ‘stabilize’ the country and arrested more than 7,000 peaceful protesters as part of the operation.

Kazakhstan’s prosecutor general’s office has admitted that six people have died under torture in custody since the beginning of January.

President Tokayev blamed the protests on terrorists and foreign Western powers who were attempting a coup against his government. He has attempted, misleadingly, to shift the blame to his political predecessors and modernizers, such as two-time prime minister Karim Massimov. He was able to get rid of his boss’ overriding legacy in the case to quell the public outcry.

A narrative that Russia and China were happy to corroborate. President Xi called the January events a plot by foreign forces to foment a “color revolution” in Kazakhstan.

Both Russia and China share strong interests in Kazakhstan. For Russia, ensuring that Kazakhstan, a resource-rich former Soviet state, remains within Russia’s sphere of influence and can serve as a fulcrum for its interests in the region has been a clear priority since the dissolution of the USSR.

China announced its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Kazakhstan in 2013 and since then the country has remained an important focus of China’s foreign and economic policy as a transit country between East and South. ‘West.

But it should also be borne in mind that Russia would only allow foreign influence to a certain extent in its own backyard, hence President Putin’s deployment for the first time of CSTO (Organization of the collective security treaty) as part of a rapid response with an early exit.

India must find alternatives

Last week, China agreed to deliver large quantities of military equipment to its longtime friend Pakistan, including 25 J-10C fighter jets. These arms deliveries to Pakistan are a clear attempt to amplify the threat from Islamabad, as China continues to drain our defense resources with the border standoff in the Himalayas. India needs to rethink its national security plan.

As Russia took action in eastern Ukraine to “demilitarize” and supposedly protect Ukrainians themselves from the tyranny of their own people, Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan was in Moscow, calling this “exciting” period, while seeking support in the form of an oil pipeline from Kazakhstan, financial aid, arms and ammunition. It also showed that while Biden can’t even give him a call, he has other benefactors.

Lessons learned from Afghanistan, Ukraine and Kazakhstan, as well as our current rivalries with the China-Pakistan axis, show us that in this new security landscape, India must prepare for the unthinkable and identify other options while exercising its strategic autonomy and multi-alignment approach.

Difficult to navigate, because the two superpowers suffer from the “alliance syndrome” and zero-sum games. Even though India abstained in the vote at the United Nations Security Council, it has always opposed external military interventions, from Iraq to Libya, including Yemen, Syria, Georgia and Ukraine. She regretted that in the Russian-Ukrainian crisis, which is part of a larger geopolitical game, diplomacy did not have its full place. This is the way forward, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi has indicated in his calls with President Putin and President Zelenskyy.

(Anil Trigunayat is a former Indian Ambassador to Jordan, Libya and Malta and a regular contributor and commentator on foreign and security policy issues. He is associated with several think tanks and the Federation of Chambers of Indian Commerce and Industry. This is an opinion piece and the opinions expressed herein are those of the author. The Quint does not endorse them and is not responsible for them).

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